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Charles de Gaulle—Roger Frey

The Day of the Jackal

The relationship between Charles de Gaulle and Roger Frey is defined by an urgent warning and a decisive refusal. As Interior Minister, Frey informs the President that a foreign professional assassin may be preparing to kill him and seeks authority for protective measures. De Gaulle accepts the gravity of the threat without accepting Frey’s proposed response: he will not be seen to retreat from public life because of a hired killer. The resulting policy places Frey between the practical demands of protection and the President’s insistence that France’s public face remain unbowed.

Warning and assessment

Frey’s intervention follows a report from Colonel Rolland describing the possibility of an outsider working alone. The danger appeared exceptional because the earlier attempts on de Gaulle had made the security environment more alert, not less. A professional assassin could not count on the mechanical routines or momentary panic that might otherwise enable escape; the warning was that guards and bystanders would remain watchful and could turn on the attacker. The record of six known plots, whether dismantled during preparation or unsuccessful in execution, underscored both the persistence of the danger and the reason ordinary security assumptions no longer applied.

Frey first discusses the report with Commissaire Jean Ducret, the President’s personal-security chief. Ducret judges the plan exceptionally dangerous: the French agencies’ extensive files and networks of agents within the OAS would be of limited use against a foreigner operating alone, without local friends or contacts. Frey understands that the stakes extend beyond the President’s life. He believes that, given the fragility of France’s institutions in 1963, de Gaulle’s death could be followed by a coup and civil war. The threat is therefore presented not as a private security problem but as a danger to the political order.

The audience at the Élysée

Frey goes to the Élysée Palace to inform de Gaulle, who receives him and asks him to explain the urgent matter. Frey keeps his account brief, knowing that the President dislikes lengthy private speeches. After hearing him out, de Gaulle reads Rolland’s report in about three minutes, folds it carefully, and asks what Frey wants from him. That question gives Frey an opening to propose a response, but not the authority to determine its form.

Frey begins a concise account of the steps he considers necessary to avert the threat. When he invokes the interests of France, de Gaulle interrupts. The President’s answer turns on the distinction between protecting his life and appearing to cower before a foreign hireling. His objection is not that the warning can be ignored; it is that visible retreat would concede the assassin’s power over the presidency. Frey recognizes that his case has been lost. De Gaulle speaks with deliberate clarity, making plain that the matter will be handled on terms he sets.

Secrecy, authority, and public appearances

After the audience, Frey explains the President’s instructions to Alexandre Sanguinetti. There is to be no publicity and no nationwide search while the report remains unconfirmed and the suspected killer is known only by a codename. The investigation must stay within a small circle. Frey stresses that even allowing details—or the general impression of the affair—to become public could provoke political embarrassment at home and ridicule abroad. De Gaulle’s resistance is thus both operational and symbolic: heightened visible precautions could suggest that the President of France was hiding from one foreigner.

Frey is also explicit that de Gaulle will cancel nothing. His public programme is to remain unchanged, not by an hour or a minute. This is the sharpest practical consequence of their disagreement. Frey and the security officials must protect a president who will continue to appear in public, while concealing both the threat and the response. The instruction converts secrecy from a preference into a constraint on the investigation, limiting who can be told and ruling out a public suspension of engagements.

The continuing tension

The later security preparations show how much work that constraint entails. At the ceremonies, crowds are to be held farther back than usual; barriers are erected and the enclosed areas searched, including the sewers; nearby roofs and windows are watched; and buildings are checked. Bulletproof windows are secretly fitted into the President’s Citroën without telling him, because he would be furious if he learned of the precaution. These measures embody the compromise forced by the relationship: protection can be intensified, but it must not become a public admission that de Gaulle has yielded his schedule to the assassin.

Frey’s position is not a simple opposition between a cautious minister and an indifferent President. The threat is real, and the President’s refusal to cancel appearances does not erase the need to stop the attacker. Instead, their exchange establishes the political conditions under which the pursuit must proceed: keep the operation secret, maintain the public programme, and find a way to protect the President without making protection look like retreat. The relationship gives the investigation its central tension, joining the immediate task of guarding one life to de Gaulle’s determination that the state should not be seen to bend before a foreign assassin.